The great British historian Richard Clogg described the 1985 elections as the most polarizing in our country since 1946. The “separate coffee house” elections, as they were called, were essentially a continuation of the 1981 elections, as the same social divisions were re-enacted in a highly controversial fashion. The elections of June 2, 1985 had some peculiarities. At first they were carried out according to the list – a choice that PASOK itself revised a little later, restoring the preferential cross. They were carried out in accordance with the enhanced proportionality law adopted by PASOK. With provisions in favor of the first party, but also easier representation of small parties. Although the number of participants increased (by about 700,000 people) as a result of polarization, as well as the establishment of voting rights at 18 people.

The period leading up to the 1985 elections was marked by a series of electoral victories for PASOK. The triumph of 1981, the victory in the municipal elections of 1982, the victory in the European elections of 1984 strengthened his political hegemony. It was also characterized by high political mobility. With the movements of deputies, the resignations and dismissals of ministers, electoral partnerships and the arrival of individuals in the main parties.

In the field of governance, the government of Andreas Papandreou introduced a number of institutional reforms such as the reform of family law, as well as acts of strong symbolism such as the recognition of the National Resistance. He promoted policies that strengthened or created new institutions of participation and representation, and expanded the presence of the public sector in the economy. But at the same time, there was also an attempt to control the mechanisms of the state and the media, a practice that drew accusations of the establishment from the opposition. This policy, combined with financial sloppiness, over-borrowing, an increase in the number and salaries of civil servants, and the first European funds, allowed PASOK to strengthen its client networks. Always in light of the advancement of popular interests, accompanied by the rhetoric of absolute polarization.

ND, on the other hand, has struggled to find its pace after consecutive losses. The tenure of Evangelos Averof (1981–1984) was characterized more by significant attempts at organizational reconstruction than by the ideological evolution of the party. The election of Konstantinos Mitsotakis in September 1984, although motivated by the need to single out a strong personality in the role of “anti-Andreas”, marked the movement of the party in a more liberal direction, in line with the trends of the time. Concepts such as the restriction of the state, the operation of the free market, privatization, began to gradually enter the political lexicon N. Adoption of a more liberal – albeit imperfect – ND agenda. and the aforementioned PASOK policy created a frontal conflict context with clear ideological, historical and class characteristics. The dilemmas were Manichaean. “Change is discharge.” A conflict of “light and dark”, as the then-powerful PASOK man Menios Koutsoyorgas said. The strategy of extreme polarization was undoubtedly a conscious choice by Andreas Papandreou to ensure that the social alliances that led to the triumph of 1981 would remain intact. It was fueled by the accusation aroused by the protagonists of the period, as well as the political choices that marked the path to elections.

Polarization was a conscious choice by Andreas Papandreou to ensure that the social alliances that led to the triumph of 1981 would remain intact.

ND Leadership Elections Konstantinos Mitsotakis, who had a bitter feud with Andreas Papandreou since the 1960s, brought back the tensions of the turbulent era with references to the Julian days of 1965. Andreas Papandreou hailed his election, calling it “The Nightmare”, in a statement predicting the future. Boundless controversy culminating in the publication in Auriani of a photograph of Konstantinos Mitsotakis with two German officers during the occupation, a photograph that was later revealed to have been stolen by the Stasi. The presidential elections of 1985 were also an important event. Despite assurances from the then President of the Republic Konstantinos Karamanlis that PASOK would offer him re-election, at the last moment Andreas Papandreou changed his mind, proposing the Areopagite Christos Sargetakis, famous for his work as an investigator in the Lambrakis case. It was a move that also served as a strategy to polarize the right and re-appeal to voters on the left upset by broken promises to leave the EEC and NATO. The resignation of Karamanlis from the presidency, the election of Sargetakis by color ballot, the removal of the ballot box during voting by a member of the ND, the controversial vote of the then Speaker of Parliament Yannis Alevras, who was speaking as a PtD, further worsened the political climate.

Both the promises of “even better days” by PASOK, whose campaign centered on the little girl Annula, and the proposals of “liberal New Democracy” faded into the background as the poles formed on the basis of intense ideological, historical – and ultimately identity – accusations. . The pre-election rallies were the most massive. Georgios Ralli’s song “I don’t want you” in 1981 caused embarrassment in an environment of unprecedented toxicity dominated by slogans such as “Fola na scylos sS” and “Down with the PASOK junta”, with a single humorous note: “Better duck than Mitsotakis” – “trolling” before the era of social networks – as PASOK’s response to the ND proposal. for cheap cars. PASOK’s strategy was rewarded in the vote as it won with the smallest percentage loss (only 2.25%) the government had in the post-colonial period, despite a significant increase (5%) in the ND. But the wounds of that period healed slowly, as the cycle of tension lasted a long time. A few months after the 1985 elections, weighed down by negative economic data, the PASOK government launched a three-year austerity program. Changes in economic policy caused the first split in social alliances that led PASOK to double electoral victories in 1981 and 1985 and, combined with the political events that followed, closed the cycle of eight years of rule that has marked modern Greece in various ways.

A tycoon, two diabolical women vying for him, spoiled rich kids and endless scams. The success of “Dynasty” in the provincial environment of state television in the 80s is explained by its anti-television anti-zeal. He offers the right doses of escapism that will be the norm on private channels in the post-ERT era in a few years.

The slogans heard at the unreal gatherings of PASOK and N.D. now they are often purely domestic in nature. But no one else was able to fulfill the eternal call “People do not forget what Law means.” As long as the right scarecrow still made sense.

If the first-generation All Stars (basketballs, not ballerinas) were a statement of some kind of unconventional mood, then the Timberland pair very quickly becomes a status symbol (a middle-income family has to shed blood to buy them), a pass to enter. good clubs of the time and, above all, one of the first signs that post-political Greece was forever immersed in the culture of consumption.

Until the mid-80s, home computers in Greece were available only to ardent amateurs. The appearance of the Commodore 64 causes a small earthquake in the primitive Greek market and in many family budgets with restless tech teenagers. The computer was connected to a monitor or television, a conventional cassette player was enough to “download” programs (!), and its great commercial success was due to the thousands of video game titles that accompanied it.

I was 32 in the 1985 elections. We hung out a lot with our friend Sokratis Kalkanis, then owner of the King George Hotel in Syntagma Square. We could see everything from his balcony. He wanted PASOK, I never voted for him and always disliked him – at least in the time of Andreas Papandreou. We played biribu in Socrates’ private apartment with other friends and occasionally jumped out onto the balcony to see and hear the leaders. I was very angry because I really admired Konstantinos Karamanlis, who two or three months ago I felt that Andreas sold him normally. In general, I could not stand the Arianists, the style and spirit of that power, I was wild, I argued, I constantly took positions from the radio stations where I worked. I was an angry citizen against PASOK to the core. Now I know that there was no one to blame for all this anger but myself, not yet revealed. I wrote songs with great love, but the sun of PASOK led me to mindless anger and hostility, which I now remember and laugh about.

ARIS DAVARAKIS
Lyricist, journalist

It’s July, it’s hot, and Athens is preparing for the first rock festival in its history, “Rock in Athens”, the youth lure of the first cultural capital of Europe, Melina Merkouris. Two days in Kallimarmaro include the legendary bands of the time (Stranglers, Depeche Mode, Culture Club, Cure, Clash, etc.), but a little heat, a few expensive tickets, a few organizational shortcomings. and the festival is marked by episodes and “dows” that almost shook it in the air. Fortunately, he managed to go down in history.

Mr. Eftichis Vardoulakis is a strategy and communications consultant.

Editor: Dimitris Rigopoulos