On Friday morning, sirens sounded at the exit from the Maidan, warning of a possible rocket attack. Ursula von der Leyen and EU High Representative for Foreign Policy Josep Borel were taken to a shelter in the central part of the Ukrainian capital for more than half an hour, but the bus with accredited journalists continued on its way as usual. On the related Telegram channel, the announcement elicited reactions ranging from tearful emoji to (less often) happy faces with hearts. There was no reaction on the streets. An employee of the Ukrainian office of the European Commission, who accompanied a group of journalists, told us that in January the sirens sounded 41 times. “It’s almost impossible for people to go to shelters every time,” he explained to us.

It was a two-day event rich in symbolism. Ursula von der Leyen’s decision to travel to Kyiv with 15 members of the College of Commissioners gave the visit the appearance of a presidential trip – multi-day events organized by member states that take over the leadership of the European Council at the start of their six-month term. It was one of the many ways that the European side, almost a year after the start of the Russian invasion, wanted to send a signal that it considers Ukraine part of the European family and will support it to the end in its battle. to survive against the relentless Russian invasion.

Despite the stubborn resistance of the Ukrainians and the huge losses of the Russian army, Brussels is well aware of the fact that Vladimir Putin’s position has not changed: his goal remains to erase Ukraine from the map of the world. Von der Leyen on Thursday, in a joint speech with Volodymyr Zelensky, hailed the “impressive unity of the world community” in the face of Russian aggression. Her report ignores not only the fact that most of the “Global South” is (at least) equidistant between Ukraine and Russia, but also the different approaches to this age-old geopolitical crisis that still exist in the EU.

These differences resurfaced last week with Ukraine’s accession to the Union. On the eve of the Board’s visit, the Financial Times leaked European diplomats’ displeasure (translation: member state representatives in Brussels) at Kyiv’s cultivating excessive expectations about the speed at which it might join. At a press conference he gave with Commission President on Thursday afternoon, Ukrainian Prime Minister Denys Smikhal said his country would be ready for membership in two years, although he acknowledged that unanimous recognition of this fact by 27 Member States may be required more time. At a joint press conference on Friday with von der Leyen and European Council President Charles Michel, Zelensky set the goal of starting accession talks before the end of the year. The President of the European Commission has repeatedly praised the determination and speed with which Kyiv claims a seat in the European Council, but took care to remind that accession is an “honorable process” that cannot be ignored. Mr. Michel left open the possibility that after the publication of the Commission’s report on enlargement in October, the ’27’ will decide to start accession talks at the December summit.

For the eighteen journalists who were lucky enough to cover the visit, the journey began from the grounds of ExecuJet, a company that provides air travel to VIPs. We are talking about Ms. von der Leyen and 15 commissars, who were supposed to fly from the Belgian capital to Zessow Airport in southeastern Poland – the operational center of a giant campaign of Western military aid to Ukraine. On the same flight, representatives of the press were also present at the tail of the aircraft. Two days earlier, a group of journalists participated in a security briefing. We must proceed from the premise, they told us, that everything we say is heard by the appropriate authorities. It was explained to us that Ukrainians forbid live broadcasts for security reasons, and bulletproof vests and helmets were mentioned there, but also that in the event of a missile attack, this equipment will not help much. A colleague asked if the sirens went off and we ended up locked in a hotel hideout if there would be a wireless network to send the report.

Before the plane took off, the President of the Commission visited us from behind and we made our first contact. At meetings with journalists, she was more relaxed than usual, with elements of black humor. She promised us that she would join us on the bus from the Zieszow airport to the Pezemysl railway station, but the Polish security services vetoed this, as it would be more difficult to protect her effectively on the bus. Black vans, escorted by patrol cars, were waiting for officials on the airfield of the Polish airport. At the exit, rhythmically illuminating the wet windshield of the bus with blue headlights, we saw a large number of transport aircraft, with identification marks of various NATO members, and soldiers walking in a drizzling rain. “It’s just that we’re not at war,” one of the colleagues remarked pointedly.

The EU ranks second in terms of military aid to Ukraine after the United States, although on Thursday the seventh tranche of military aid through the EU budget (European Peace Facility) was approved, which now exceeded 3.5 billion euros. EU High Representative for Foreign Policy Josep Borel also announced that the EU education mission would double the number of Ukrainians being trained to 30,000 soldiers. He added that from this month the training will also include driving German Leopard tanks.

Von der Leyen’s presence in the Ukrainian capital coincided with a leak of objections from EU members. against the direct accession of Ukraine.

Where Team Europe (the EU and its member states) is leading the way is in providing financial assistance. A few days ago, the first 3 billion euros of the 18 billion that were provided by the EU were paid. will be funded by the Ukrainian state this year. Future installments on these ultra-low loans – 1.5 billion a month – will help cover the cost of salaries, pensions, hospitals, etc. The immediate conditions that must be met will be the minimum possible. Providing aid, however, increases the possibility of influencing issues such as corruption, an issue that Washington has also been pressing for since last summer. It is no coincidence that significant developments took place on this front last Wednesday, with the removal of officials and searches of homes, including those of the head of the Kyiv tax administration, accused of major fraud, and oligarch Igor Kolomoisky. former supporter of the president (under investigation for customs duty evasion). Von der Leyen said she was “reassured” in Kyiv by the “vigilance” shown by Ukrainian anti-corruption authorities and the political will to purge the government.

At Pesemisil we boarded, found our seats, and were then ushered into the President’s luxurious stateroom for the first informal briefing of the trip. The heat was unbearable and our questions rained down. Her head of office, Bjorn Seibert, stepped in from time to time to explain. There were cans of Polish beer on the table, which Mrs. von der Leyen generously treated her “investigators”. Most opened them after the conversation was over.

In the commissars’ carriage, each bed told its own story. Vera Yurova looked worried. Valdis Dombrovskis and Margrethe Vestager had a snack together and looked into the future. Margaritis Schinas explained the role of EE in Ukraine to a fugitive French correspondent for Le Monde. He then turned his attention to his iPad, where he was watching the Thessalonians’ Radio Arvila. Bodyguards went around all the cabins, explaining to us how to put on our vests. The Ukrainian train crossed the border under the cover of darkness.

The joint meeting of the Collegium and the Ukrainian cabinet, apart from the tailoring contrast (suits on the one hand, jeans and dark fleece on the other), was a rather dull sight – during which, for security reasons, we were locked up for hours in the press center, without even having access to a modest snack machine. Previously, in order to get to the territory where the joint statements of Zelensky and von der Leyen were made, we had to leave mobile phones and laptops on the bus. The Ukrainian president in this brief speech was modest in terms. The facade of the military leader cracked only when the president of the commission hesitantly mentioned the name of the Ukrainian city, the pronunciation of which she was not sure. – You said well! his former comedian told her, emerging for a moment from behind the curtain.

In anticipation of the long-awaited accession, the EU will continue to provide support at all levels. During the visit, new initiatives were announced to strengthen solidarity corridors that facilitate Ukraine’s exports to Europe, increase supplies of energy-saving LED lamps to 35 million, and provide 2,400 additional generators, among other things. Ms von der Leyen also set a target for a tenth round of sanctions just in time for the first anniversary of the black invasion. The contribution to education is also crucial: EU. finances the reconstruction of 100 schools, and, as Margaritis Schinas mentioned in his speech at a joint meeting, 740,000 IDP children attend European schools. The commission even finances the publication of 500,000 Ukrainian textbooks for 5th grade students.

“The visit was a historic moment, which means that Ukraine’s path to the EU is a given,” Mr. Schinas told K. “We are building a deep, unbreakable partnership that, as long as this illegal war lasts, makes Ukraine strong. After the war and the completion of the necessary adjustments, it will make it a full and equal member of a united Europe.”

In the mission’s luxurious central hotel, with electricity, heating and hot water, we had the opportunity to reflect on the many aspects of this relationship and how it might develop. On Thursday night, “K” met there the Greek ambassador – and the hero of Mariupol – Manolis Androulakis. Pantelis Bubouras, a construction magnate active in Ukraine, also dined at the hotel’s restaurant. In a few hours we will cross the EU borders again. and we would leave Ukrainians behind to continue fighting for our country – and for Europe.