The 2004 parliamentary elections were announced on 7 January and took place on 7 March. In fact, the pre-election period began in late 2003, when Prime Minister Costas Simitis decided to leave the PASOK presidency and activate succession procedures, while a marginal victory in 2000 negated the defeat of the ruling party in the next election. . Simitis’ second four-year term and PASOK’s third consecutive term marked the country’s entry into the EBU and was marked by exemplary preparation for the Olympic Games. Dozens of small and large projects have reshaped the country’s infrastructure, institutionalized independent power, and a major milestone was the dismantling of the November 17 terrorist organization in 2002, completing a long bloody cycle of far-left violence. And the entry of Cyprus into the EU. and his Greek presidency in 2003, which saw an expansion with 10 new members, were memorable successes, the result of the prime minister’s commitment to the vision of a united Europe and reading the national interest through that lens.

While the government has scored important victories in international relations and major projects, its reform has been hit hard within the party, opposition and interest groups. The conflict between state and church began in May 2000, lasted 15 months, and escalated into a protest movement initiated by Archbishop Christodoulos, who delivered fiery speeches at public meetings in Athens and Thessaloniki, a ritual reminiscent of the political gatherings of the 1980s. In parallel, collect signatures for a referendum. The signature of Kostas Karamanlis, leader of the official opposition, testified to the political polarization of the issue. Three million signatures have not softened Simitis’ determination to implement a European privacy policy. While the front of the identity dispute receded, the bitter resistance of the main opposition, (most) unions and workers to the pension reform, and its rejection by the party’s executive apparatus, caused the biggest government crisis in four years in the spring of 2001. Not only was it forced to close, but the prime minister’s popularity was irreparably damaged, clearly showing the superiority of the ND. by all measures of public opinion just one year after the election.

Simitis tried to restore the decline, on the one hand, internally, by placing Laliotis in the position of secretary, and on the other hand, in public opinion, through reshuffles that humiliated Papantoniou, the architect of the stock market bubble, and removed Tsochatsopoulos from the leadership team. Ministry of Defense in 2001 the protracted intra-party dispute, the cynicism of a number of party officials exacerbated the negative image. Even the last attempt to move forward with the removal of Laliotis, the control of the executive apparatus, new government reshuffles and the announcement of measures to converge income through social dividends did not bear fruit in 2003, while already in 2002 the ND won. in the municipal and prefectural elections, he foresaw defeat in the forthcoming parliamentary elections.

The pre-election two months were full of political events. The overwhelming popularity of Georges Papandreou was both the strongest card and the last chance for the game at the moment. The Velvet Succession was ratified by 6,000 delegates at the convention on February 6, and two days later, the participation of a million citizens in the leader-selection process ushered in a new era of direct election of leaders by party members and sympathizers, later accepted by other parties. The new president attempted an update: new terminology and values ​​centered on the active citizen, participation, multiculturalism; a new perception of alliances, reflected in the bilateral expansion of the state ballot by the two leaders on the left (Androulakis, Damanakis). and two from the right (Andrianopoulos, Manos); a new intra-party function with a focus on inclusion in decision-making, local and electronic referendums, and equal distribution of ballots between men and women. Proposals such as the creation of non-state universities, the reduction of ministries and bureaucracy, the transfer of powers to the periphery, the equal staffing of higher state administration by women and men are still considered radical, as well as a completely innovative concept of digital communication and management. Although they initially closed the lead by 5.5 points, the reaction to the change in the name and symbolism of the party, as well as to the expansion, as well as the cacophony and exclusions due to the Pakhta Amendment, dictated a full return to the conflict on the old terms in the final stretch.

With the euphemism of the middle, Karamanlis tried to overcome the historical division between left and right.

With a lead in the poll shortly after the 2000 election, ND. followed the “ripe fruit” strategy. With a euphemism of the golden mean, he tried to overcome the historical division between left and right and defeat the everyday life of a citizen, not factionally identified, but also with a flag, the restoration of the state and the appeal to good political morals: in the phenomena of abuse of power and corruption, they are confronted “modestly and humbly”. At the leadership level, Karamanlis reinstated moderate leaders such as Giorgos Souflias, while he removed Giorgos Karatsaferis, who, relying on the right-wing radical LAOS as a driving force, ran autonomously as early as the 2002 prefectural elections. continued the unification campaign to the end.

Participation in the elections was massive. While the election results recorded one of the highest levels of bipartisanship, reaching 86%, nearly matching the 1985 and 2000 election results, they were not marked by a corresponding polarization between the two major parties. Both the fatigue from the repeated use of the PASOK leadership for 11 consecutive years, and the change in the position of ND in the center, they were reflected in a historic victory, with an even distribution of forces throughout Greece and in all socio-demographic categories (except for very young people). PASOK’s dominance may have ended in 2004, but modernizing governance has left behind the country’s ability to combine ambitious goals, international and domestic, economic development and the deepening of democracy. Something, after all, not self-evident.

Triumph

It was and remains to this day the biggest surprise in world football. Arriving in Portugal in June 2004, Otto Rehhagel’s disciplined Greek team strove to show a worthy result. Against all odds, he will reach the final on July 4 and beat hosts Portugal (for the second time in the tournament), making the impossible possible.

Regeneration

In 2004, when Ermou became pedestrianized from Agia Asomatos to Piraeus Street, the Athenians were given the Grand Promenade, a single pedestrian route that would connect the main archaeological sites of the city.

City

“Pedestrians and drivers must be especially careful, because the tram always has priority,” newspapers and websites warned on the day the “new” media returned to the streets of the capital on July 19, 2004. Its redevelopment after a half-century absence was caused by the need to connect the center with the Olympic venues in Faliro and Elliniko. And since they did not have time to build the metro, they built a tram.

What do I remember?

In the national elections of March 2004, I was mayor of Athens, but since I declared that I would not register my party affiliation, I played a very active role in the election campaign. I traveled around half of Greece and everywhere you could see that ND would have a very clear and big win. The mood of the Greeks to change the page after 11 years of PASOK was felt in the atmosphere and smelled strongly of scandals.

On the eve of the election, I could make three speeches a day. A pleasant moment was when we flew from Mytilene to Kavala on a small propeller plane and got into bad weather. My colleague who is afraid of planes had a birthday and we made a cake for him so that he would not forget about the turbulence of the plane. He tells me that I have only one wish: if we win the elections and Kostas Karamanlis wants to make you a minister, not a foreign ministry. You know the sequel…

DORA BAKOGIANNI
Former Minister of Foreign Affairs

Consumption

These are years of growth, cheap money, phone loans. Neither the expensive euro nor the clouds in the global economy have been able to stop the consumerism of the Greeks, and the two major cities of the country are competing for the largest shopping center by the standards of American malls. It will be preceded by Thessaloniki in October 2005 with Mediterranean Cosmos, the first modern shopping mall ever to operate in Greece, followed a month later by The Mall Athens in Maroussi.

Fact

The calendar pointed to August 13, 2004, when the country was in its prime of extroversion and demonstration of progress. “Citizens of the world, welcome to the feast of Athens! Olympic Games, welcome home! With these words, the opening ceremony announcer accompanied the drummers Dimitris Papaioanna for the most magical three hours we can remember of anything the Greek language has presented to an international audience and on such a scale. The day before, an untold episode involving the champions Kenteris and Thanos had taken place.

Ms. Lamprini Rory is Associate Professor of Political Analysis at the National University of Athens. Kapodistrias.

zealNarrated by: Dimitris Rigopoulos