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Social democracy is here

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Social democracy is here

With the German language, as practiced by the SPD, or with the British language, to the extent that Labor today expresses it? The one that was invented by its Scandinavian representatives like Olof Palme and developed by its political descendants, or the one that brought a spirit of “change” to Greece? Or the one that – to overcome party barriers – was developed by John Maynard Keynes and then Anthony Giddens, enriched across the Atlantic by John Rawls, and which today, we would say, is fueled by the economic studies of Thomas Piketty. ?

Social Democracy Here-1

Whichever version of social democracy one aligns with (or even opposes), it seems certain that this particular political tradition, from where, especially after the 2008 crisis, seemed to have finally reached the end of its long journey (during which it succeeded in bequeathing the state prosperity to the West), now it seems to be returning: to Germany, to the Iberian Peninsula, to the Scandinavian countries, New Zealand or even to the USA.

Collection “Social Democracy in the Spotlight Again?” (ed. Polis) is an attempt to fix the new content of modern social democratic politics at the international level, and is also a study of intergovernmental power and the strategy of today’s social democracy, as well as a confirmation of the problems and concepts that concern it and which are nothing more than like inequalities, jobs, public goods, the position of the nation-state in supranational organizations, and, of course, the primacy of politics.

The different paths of the five authors of the volume ensure the breadth of the project: historian and professor at the University of Peloponnese Efi Ghazi (“Ideas and Thoughts on the Past and Future of Social Democracy”) contributes with their texts, Vice-President of the National Committee for Human Rights and the Hellenic Human Rights Union Yannis F Ioannidis (Social Democracy: No Alternative), Xenophon Kontiadis (The Return of Social Democracy), Professor of Public Law and Social Governance at the Pantheon, Yiannis Balapanidis (Social Democracy Made in the USA), Political Scientist, and National Health Service Physician and PASOK-Change central committee member Stefanos Parastatidis (“Imagination in Social Democracy”).

“The problem is the absolute monopoly of materialistic values. The notion that all of our activities are, or may become, the subject of a financial transaction.”

But in addition to the question of the title of the book, one could fundamentally ask one more: what social, economic and political factors make one think – again – about the place of social democracy in the modern world? Giannis Ioannidis responds, among other things: “Interest in social democracy is returning because the recurring and increasingly violent crises of the model adopted in recent decades, that is, the frenzied course of globalization of the uncontrolled market with the intensity of economic inequality and social exclusion, combined with the emergence of the climate crisis threaten democracy even in Western countries. That is, in a part of the world where complacency reigned, the certainty that prosperity and the rule of law were guaranteed forever. It seems that some are doing everything to get revenge on Marx, where everyone, even most versions of the left, outmaneuvered him. In reality, Mr. Ioannidis continues, the problem lies in the absolute monopoly of materialistic values. The notion that all places, all activities, all our time and moments are, or can be, objects of an economic transaction and, ultimately, a value of everything in money, constantly undermines the foundations of social coexistence.

Yannis Balapanidis, who argues in the book that Joe Biden’s tenure (which enriches Obama’s legacy and includes lessons from the traumatic Trump era) represents the most forward-thinking social democratic agenda internationally, believes the conclusion about the return of social democracy is not a volunteer. “The economic crisis of 2008 came as a shock to the social democratic parties,” says Mr. Balapanidis. “Many nearly collapsed under the weight of her leadership, and pan-European social democracy has failed to offer a convincing way out of the golden cage of austerity. However, this historic political family has proved resilient despite prophecies of its eventual demise. Today she is returning to power alone or in alliance with leftist or environmental forces in Germany, the Scandinavian countries, the Netherlands and Iberia. The situation seems to be favorable, mainly because structural conflicts arise both at the material level – due to inequality and instability, and at the value level – in matters of rights and freedoms that seek political representation. And the physiognomy of social democracy allows it to do this as long as it “remembers” some of its constituent elements: concern for the “many” and its character as an absolutely modern force, capable of integrating the most advanced value requirements and expressing them in the horizon of effective management.

The international dimension of social democracy is important today for another reason: because, as Yiannis Ioannidis notes in his text, it is already difficult to build social democracy in one country. We ask him to explain in more detail why this is happening, and he answers: “Even in the past, one country could not ignore others, let alone today, when it is obvious that there are no national barriers. In addition, our participation in international and regional cooperation imposes obligations, but also provides opportunities. Especially in Europe, a community has been built that should, on the one hand, become more democratic and, on the other hand, respect its values. Peace, not only international but also social peace, the welfare state, the reduction of regional inequalities, the protection of the environment in conditions of freedom and dignity for all, constitute the true defense of the European way of life. And, historically speaking, they must be recognized as the achievements of the post-war social democracy, which must be claimed as the ideals of the international and European social democratic program.

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“Even with the best programs and despite the glorious history, social democracy is not built in the absence of society,” says Giannis Ioannidis. Shutterstock Photos

Rate from USA to Greece

If the US is the vanguard of change in the West, then the administration’s post-Trump, post-Biden chasms probably have more to do with it. “American society is extremely polarized at all levels, which is not far from the image of our own European society,” says Yannis Balapanidis. “The Democrats seem to understand that instead of looking for ‘technocratic’ moderation, they need to create a strong identity.

However, in order to achieve this, they need to overcome the distance separating those who have been thrown aside by globalization, i.e. in the deindustrialized Rust Belt by the internationalized and value driven elites of the East and West Coasts. And at the same time, to respond to the demands of younger generations, Millennials and Generation Z, who live in great conflict and disillusionment: the most internationalized, educated and networked generations live and work in increasingly dangerous environments.” The energy crisis, geopolitical instability and precision make this a more difficult bet, Mr. Balapanides said, but social democratic politics historically have a weapon they are called upon to use: sweeping reforms against all sorts of inequalities.

Social Democracy has a weapon it must use: radical reform against inequality.

What weapons does the Greek Social Democracy have and what weights must it throw? “Social democracy in Greece today,” says Yiannis Ioannidis, “can be built on the foundations of the legacy of the so-called democratic faction, but with new materials and aesthetics.

Apart from the positive aspects of this legacy, there are also points where the Greek version of social democracy lagged behind: indicatively, sectors of the economy where the quality of development was neglected, such as tourism and public space policy, or issues that tarnished the image of the faction and connected with public administration, responsibility for the landscape formed in the media, etc. Fresh ideas, edits and documentation, for the modern and necessary, don’t worry, they are in abundance.

The big bet is to “find the words” to speak to the world in an age of confusion and fragmentation. Because, even with the best programs and despite the glorious history, social democracy is not built in the absence of society. We are making this bet today, in Greece and internationally.”

Author: Nicholas Zois

Source: Kathimerini

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