In November 1919, Dimitrios Gunaris, exiled to Siena, commenting on the temporary nature of the Greek occupation of Smyrna, in a letter to G. Strait, declares that he will cause outrage “for the fact that we suffered and are suffering there, losses in blood, in glory, in money, and also for the extermination of Hellenism in Asia Minor, in which we criminally contribute by our abundant subjugation to the exploitation that we, the strong, are doing. Greek troops had landed in Smyrna since May, when Gounaris was in his third year of exile after the victory of Venizelos in June 1917.

A key exponent of anti-Venizelosism as early as 1915, when he was appointed Prime Minister by King Constantine after the resignation of the Venizelos government, and founder of the Nationalist Party, Gounaris showed signs of a reformist and reformist spirit from the beginning of his political career. Born on January 5, 1867 in Patras, he graduated from the gymnasium in 1884, already knowing French and German. He studied law at universities in Germany and followed the tradition of sociology and political science in Paris and London. Returning to Greece due to the financial troubles of his raisin merchant father, he practiced law in such a way that his fellow citizens did not consider him an average lawyer; he used to supplement his purchases with literary passages and arguments from other sciences such as criminology, pedagogy, and psychology. In fact, while defending a man accused of murder, he used Oscar Wilde’s The Ballad of Reading’s Ircti – certainly an unusual hearing in the courts of Patra (M. Christopoulou, Dimitrios Gounaris, Foundation of the Hellenic Parliament, 2017, p. 21 ).

Therefore, it is not difficult to understand how he managed to be elected as an independent member of parliament for Patras in 1902, when he first entered politics. In the elections of March 1906, he was elected head of the Virgin Union of Patras. Shortly after his election, he joined the “Japanese group”, as the editor of the Akropolis newspaper called it, see Gavrielidis imitating Gunari, St. Dragumi, P. Protopapadakis and other members of the group with Japanese soldiers, who showed special militancy in the Russo-Japanese war that was taking place at that time. Gunaris left the “Japanese” group when he took over the Ministry of Finance in the government of G. Theotokis in 1908, leaving the bar forever.

From the very beginning of his activity on the Greek political scene, Gunaris did not agree with El. Venizelos in matters of both foreign and domestic policy.

From the very beginning of his activity on the Greek political scene, Gunaris did not agree with El. Venizelos in matters of both foreign and domestic policy. His passion for reform led many to see him as a politician capable of competing on equal terms with Venizelos. Actually Vl. Gavrielidis, an ardent proponent of renewal, commented on Gounaris’ assumption of the premiership in 1915, writing that a “divine Greek power” puts after a prime minister who enlarged Greece a prime minister “who is in a position to regulate it”. “.

Although the two politicians worked together from time to time – for example, in the 1915 elections, Venizelos agreed to include on the ballots of the Liberal Party nine of Gounaris’s closest associates (instead of the six originally proposed by the Achaean politician), with the goal of easing the dominance of the situation of succession to the throne, in which he more believed , in the event that he himself departed from Power (ibid., p. 145) – Gunaris was suspicious of Venizelos. When the latter announced elections in November 1920, Gounaris, still in exile in Italy for his anti-Venizelos beliefs, told the journalist Kathimerini (September 1920): “My presence in Greece during the elections will be used instead of Mr. Venizelos , as another argument for the prestige and reliability of the comedy, he undertook to compose it. I did not predestinate myself to legitimize the bonds and chains that tyranny invented against the Greek people.

However, despite his claims that he would abstain from the election due to certain fraud on the part of Venizelos, a decision reinforced by the objective difficulties of his return as a defendant facing arrest, he eventually succumbed to pressure from his associates and returned to Greece. October 9, 1920 to lead the fight. It is noteworthy, however, that neither Gunaris nor other leading figures of the United Opposition ever explicitly promised the withdrawal of Greek troops from Asia Minor in their election campaign. In fact, in their speeches they welcomed the victories at the front and the courage of our soldiers.

However, the pre-election confrontation of 1920 was formed in contrast, on the watershed. So, if Venizelos was identified with war (and opposition to the king), then indirectly his opponent, the United Opposition, was associated with peace (and, of course, with the support of Constantine). Finally, Venizelos is unexpectedly defeated in the election, so Dimitrios Rallis and then Nikolaos Kalogeropoulos become Prime Minister. Gounaris served as minister of military affairs in both of these governments until he himself took over as prime minister on March 26, 1921, following the resignation of the government of Kalogeropoulos.

Apathy of the convicts

During the trial of the Six, Gunaris fell seriously ill with typhoid fever and was transferred to the Asimakopulu clinic. The Revolutionary Committee did its best to expedite the process and it was decided to use his pre-trial testimony in lieu of a formal apology. Diplomat Frangulis describes the last minutes of the Six. “At 11.05 trucks with convicts were seen. The soldiers advanced a few centimeters. The orders were heard. The first truck stopped and the door opened. […] Small holes were dug to allow the bodies to fall. An officer with a sword in his hand ordered the condemned to follow him and indicated to each his place, calling one by name. […] Stratos only took his place after helping Gunaris take his place. Five soldiers stood in front of each at a distance of 15 steps … The apathy of the convicts was complete. Gunaris watched the firing squad carefully. Baltatsis put on his monocle, wiping it with a handkerchief, General Hatzianestis stood at attention. None of the six agreed to be blindfolded.”

“I have a clear conscience. I did my best…”

When Gunaris became prime minister, operations were underway in March 1921. He arrived in Asia Minor with Constantine at the end of May 1921, a month before the operations that led to the capture of Eski-Sehir, Afyon Karahisar and Kiutahia. He was present, like the king, at a military council held in mid-July, where a decision was made to attack Ankara, with which he agreed.

In the months that followed, his premiership was marked by repeated attempts – and trips abroad – to win the support of the allies (at a time when France and Italy began to support Kemal). Anticipating the course of things, he warned British Foreign Secretary Lord Curzon in February 1922: “Nothing will stop Turkish arrogance, and Kemalist progress will not be stopped either within the limits determined by the Treaty of Sevres or at Smyrna. , but it will cover the straits.

However, in addition to the diplomatic sphere, the position of Gunaris was also becoming difficult at home: the campaign in Asia Minor cost 8 million drachmas a day, and the Greek economy could not bear this burden. Since, in fact, the negotiations on the conclusion of an external loan were not successful, the Minister of Finance P. Protopapadakis proceeded to the “section of the drachma” and the “forced loan” (March 1922). This happened shortly after the first resignation of Gunaris, which led a few days later to the formation of a second government under his leadership. Now it became clear that the military, economic and diplomatic impasses undermined the unity of the faction that prevailed in the elections of November 1, 1920 – this was reflected in the movements of N. Theotokis, N. Stratos and G. Bussu.

Ultimately, Gunaris would remain prime minister until 3 May 1922, when he would step down. A few months later, the front collapses completely, and Smyrna is destroyed. On Chios and Lesbos, where the bulk of the Greek troops had taken refuge, the army and navy moved (September 1922), and then, in Athens, a Revolutionary Committee headed by T. Pagalos was formed, which arrested politicians and military men who were considered guilty of Asia Minor tragedy. Pangalos wants the emergency military tribunal to be held in a simplified manner. Gunaris was sure that he and his co-defendant would be executed: “I have a clear conscience. I did my best to get the place out of the mess it was in. […] My attempt has mostly met with the reaction of opponents who see destruction as a means of coming to power. But those who believe that I will run away to avoid responsibility are at least fools. […] I know what awaits me when I make this decision. Maybe it’s death at the stake. I’m not going to leave. Let them be silent.” Arrests and rumors of a possible execution prompted the immediate intervention of foreign ambassadors, but to no avail. Finally, the emergency military court condemns Gunaris, Baltatsis, Stratos, Theotokis, Protopapadakis, and Hatzanestis as guilty of treason with intent and sentences them to death. All six were executed on the morning of 15 November in Goody.