Tempi highlighted all the problematic aspects of the workforce: lack of transparency and accountability, lack of organization, customer relationships, understaffing, and lack of employee support. First of all, the feeling that nothing is planned in the public interest. This situation opens up a large field for the next progressive government to intervene, focusing on justice in the state and the deepening of democracy.

The same is true in the field of economics. In recent decades, the idea that the state should not interfere in the real economy or even have an opinion about which direction it should move has prevailed. The role of the state is limited to “facilitating” the private sector. For example, recently N.D. passed a law allowing hotels to be built thirty meters from the sea, as if there was no climate crisis, as if our production model is not too dependent on tourism and construction activities.

In addition, important functions are given to armies of private consultants, who, as Marianne Mazzucato (The Big Scam, Allen Lane, 2023) analyzes in her latest book, offer services of dubious quality and have no incentive to strengthen the capacity of the state – this will only reduce the likelihood new contracts in the future. This weakening of the state hinders its ability to plan even the distribution of funds and puts it at a disadvantage in negotiations with the private sector.

And yet, in the era of globalization, the economies that flourished best were those that did not follow the dictates of neoliberalism, and the most symbolic example is the BRICS, countries that have all retained elements of the development state to one degree or another, that is, a state in which there is an active cast. In Greece, on the contrary, the developmental state was seen as a problem and therefore deprived of the most important tools, with the result that all structural problems remained: dependence on tourism and construction, a permanent current account deficit, etc.

In Greece, the state has been deprived of the most important tools, as a result of which all structural problems persist: dependence on tourism and construction, a constant current account deficit.

What should be the role of the development state? Let’s take a simple example, such as providing quality, tasty and healthy school meals. Here the state should play a dual role. It should ensure coordination between the various actors involved, as well as between different sectors of the economy. On the one hand, it must involve the public sector, private enterprises, the social sector (e.g. trade unions, non-governmental organizations, associations of parents and guardians), etc. On the other hand, it must coordinate the full range of sectors that are involved in the preparation and distribution of food, and direct them in the direction he needs, i.e. the agricultural sector, which must produce raw materials in a sustainable, ecological way. The above is an example of how social policy can also contribute to the restructuring of production in the agricultural sector. The examples and applications are countless – in the construction of social housing to overcome the housing crisis, the development of new applications using artificial intelligence and, of course, in all large and small projects necessary for the transition to a green environment. The general idea, however, is that there is not one center, not one player, with all the knowledge (as Mr. Mitsotakis’s staff argue, who, for example, did not have meaningful consultations on the Recovery and Resilience Fund). but knowledge penetrates the economy and society. And knowledge and ability to solve problems.

Depending on the situation, the state will sometimes play a leading role, other times it will play a more coordinating role. But the development state does not limit its role to “facilitating” the private sector. He must set some conditions – NASA, for example, has included non-profit clauses in its contracts with the private sector. In the bill passed by Mr. Staikouras on merger incentives, he could link incentives to specific goals, for example. technological or green upgrade. It must also receive long-term benefits, know-how, jobs, infrastructure or profit sharing. Which has not been done with the help of big business in the era of COVID, nor in the case of contracts for weapons programs.

For all this, the state needs tools, but also an awareness of its goals. Instruments include, for example, the Development Bank (established during SYRIZA), which can play an active role in supporting changes in production patterns and encouraging creativity (as the German KfW does) or be a pioneer in the transition to green technologies (for example, the China Bank development). At the same time, the state must also invest in its human potential, both in the form of recruitment and by upgrading its skills and strengthening its know-how. Because over-reliance on external technical consultants and experts has left the state unable to come up with ideas and implement them, which is a global phenomenon, as Masukato tells us again.

Only a development state can implement a strategic plan to address the country’s structural problems. Only a progressive government can take on this challenge. Why N.D. demonstrated that the priority of public interests and a serious reorganization of the state are not available. This will not be an easy task. There are ingrained attitudes and vested interests that are a serious obstacle. The problem with the Greek state is that it is not public enough – today, more than ever, the client state and private interests big and small dominate. And there is no simple solution to a mechanism as complex as public administration, with its own dynamics, complex interactions and multiple actors. However, this is something we can no longer afford to put off.

Mr. Euclides Tsakalotos is the SYRIZA MP candidate and former Minister of Finance.