Four years after the landslide victory of Kyriakos Mitsotakis in the 2019 elections, which was based on a large social majority called the “front against SYRIZA”, before the elections questions are surfacing: is this front active today? Will he be able to play the same role as in 2019 and what goes on inside him?

During the week on the occasion of the participation of Evangelos Venizelos and Nikos Alivisatos in an event called “Will we stay in Europe?” the front opened as there was a public dispute between the former PASOK president and the former top leaders of the party, but also of the “front against SYRIZA” such as Anna Diamantopoulos and Giorgos Floridis, who publicly criticized Mr. Venizelos for opening a window to speak with those who wanted Greece outside of Europe in the early years of the SYRIZA government. Nikos Bistis was quick to state “that the front against SYRIZA no longer exists” and Giorgos Floridis replied that “some in their desperation dream of the dissolution of the front against SYRIZA”, adding that they never understood “that the front was and remains a true creation society.” The reality is that the “front against SYRIZA” was a heterogeneous social group, consisting of left-of-centre and right-wing, which was formed under the auspices of the ND. in 2019 “for SYRIZA to go away”.

This social mobilization was driven by many different government policies at the time: over-taxation of the middle class, Ovid’s mutations early in SYRIZA’s reign, crisis management such as Mati’s, and open border policies. together with the prespases, they fully mobilized various forces. Today, after 3.5 years of New Democracy rule, some of the reasons that gave rise to this trend at that time still exist, while others have been forgotten.

In the centrist reform zone, traditionally considered the most “demanding”, there has been a clear crack “due to inadequate management of many institutional issues,” an executive moving in this area tells K. A striking example is Evangelos Venizelos, the “iconic” political figure of the “front against SYRIZA”, who now criticizes the government more often than supports it. And on the right, however, there are leaks. Either in Northern Greece, the Macedonian language, which for some still plays a role in their voting, or the “overdose of PASOK” as it is called, in the system of government, many right-wing voters seem unhappy.

However, government policy on other issues seems to be able to contain the forces of the front: on the issue of refugees, but mainly in the field of defense and foreign policy, government policy deters most of the right-wing voters. In the economy, tax cuts do little to change relations with the middle class. At the same time, SYRIZA itself, which has shown an inability to develop, gives Kyriakos Mitsotakis an additional advantage. “We are no different,” a government source told K, adding that “we want someone to vote for us for what we did during our term.”

The ruling party has bilateral influence both in the Center, where 48% of the centrists said they could vote for the ND, and on the right, where the percentage reaches 75%.

However, at the same time, he acknowledges that the dislike of part of the citizens towards SYRIZA still exists. “The front against SYRIZA was and remains an existing social trend, which, however, was created by SYRIZA itself, and not by the ND,” the same source points out, adding that this trend is obviously of interest to the ND, since uniting one party base is not enough for self-sufficiency, “other reservoirs are needed.”

The above theories are taken from flesh and bones from numbers. The well-known “K” rolling opinion polls show that the limits of ND’s electoral influence. they are even today the highest among the parties, which certainly has something to do with the “front against SYRIZA” that seems to be active. According to “K”, on average, N.D. states that he could have voted for 43% of the total electorate and for SYRIZA with 37%, which puts him in third place behind PASOK, which is 40%.

“Further analysis of the positioning of voters who could vote for N.D. shows that the range to which the ruling party is facing extends from the centre-left to the right, which shows that the front exists even in N.D. it receives part of the votes from a wide political spectrum,” a government spokesman told K. In particular, 85% of the centre-right say they could vote for her again, which is not surprising, but at the same time, N.D. has bilateral influence both in the center, where 48% of centrists say they could vote for her, and on the right, where the percentage reaches 75% and even higher than in the past. This percentage among those who declare themselves center-left is much lower at 19%, but not negligible. “This practically means that ND has a sphere of influence that starts from the center left and reaches the traditional extreme right,” the electoral analyst tells K.

For SYRIZA, respectively, its percentages are very high for the Left with 60%, for the Centre-Left with 70%, but they are significantly lower for the Center with 34%, which is lower than for New Democracy. And, of course, they are even lower among the center-right, 12%, which shows that the possibilities of SYRIZA are clearly more limited. A total of 60% of voters said they would never vote for SYRIZA, with half of them saying they could vote for ND. Finally, it is very interesting that an increasing percentage of about 38% say they do not vote according to the traditional division – left, center or right – and are looking for solutions to their problems. This percentage, predominantly young in age, is of such interest to N.D. like SYRIZA, it can also be a barometer of the end result.