Since 2014, but especially since 2022, Moscow has implemented an outrageous policy of large-scale displacement and deportation of Ukrainian civilians, including thousands of unaccompanied minors and adolescents. One of the goals of the Russian invasion in 2022 was to capture and then Russify large numbers of Ukrainian citizens to support Russia’s dwindling population. This goal may be as important for Moscow as the annexation of Ukrainian territory. The relocation and deportation of children from occupied Crimea and Donbas began in 2014. But it became widely publicized only in 2022, when the number of these illegal movements increased dramatically.

From February 24, 2022 to today, Russia has relocated or deported at least 19,546 unaccompanied Ukrainian children. This is reported by the official portal of the Government of Ukraine “Children of War”. The statistics include only those children for whom the government received information from relatives, witnesses or local authorities about their deportation to Russia or forced transfer to Russian-occupied territories of Ukraine, and only those cases where this evidence is already verified. The real figure is probably much higher.

This includes “children of war”, in a more literal sense, that is, minors or young people who, for various reasons, were left alone during hostilities. Unaccompanied children were collected by Russian officials and activists from the front line or from the occupied Ukrainian territories. Parents or relatives of some children were persuaded by Russian agents (officials, activists, collaborators, etc.) to send their sons and daughters to Russian summer camps or other recreation centers. After an agreed rest period, many were detained for longer periods and/or transferred to another location. According to the Regional Center for Human Rights (RCHL), as of September 2023, at least 3,855 minor orphans and other minors living in Ukrainian orphanages have been deported or resettled. Some Ukrainian children were separated from their parents in so-called “filter camps” on the front line.

Most of these illegally displaced Ukrainian unaccompanied children have close relatives or other legal guardians. Some of these parents or guardians live in government-controlled territories of Ukraine, while others are displaced themselves. In the vast majority of cases, neither the relatives nor the relevant state authorities of Ukraine gave clear permission for the permanent movement of these unaccompanied children. Separate children’s camps in Russia are presented as “integration programs” for Ukrainian children.

In 2022-2023, Russia adopted various legislative acts to promote the Russification and assimilation of Ukrainian children. These revisions have led to a situation where, according to a report by the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, children have “virtually no voice in the whole process”. [de schimbare a cetățeniei] and the same applies to their parents or other legal (primary) guardians in cases where the children are separated from them.”

Granting Russian citizenship gives adopted children “social guarantees”, that is, access to state subsidies. This creates financial incentives for potential adopters. According to the Family Code of the Russian Federation, adopted children are equal in status to their parents’ own children, therefore it is allowed to change the name, surname, date and place of birth of the child. This makes it difficult to establish the status of Ukrainian children adopted in Russia and their relatives in Ukraine.

A number of Russian state bodies are involved in the process of deportation and adoption, the coordinating role is played by Commissioner for Children Maria Lvova-Belova, who is wanted by the International Criminal Court. Dozens of federal, regional, and local Russian agencies implement the government’s resettlement and Russification program. They coordinate logistics; fundraising; provision of supplies; management of children’s camps; as well as promoting the Russification campaign in Russia and the occupied territories of Ukraine.

Ukrainian officials made numerous calls to Russia. In March 2023, Deputy Prime Minister of Ukraine Iryna Vereshchuk called on Moscow to “immediately hand over the lists of all orphans.” [ucraineni] and children deprived of parental care” under the control of Moscow. Since 2022, Ukrainian criticism has increasingly been directed at international organizations that are engaged in preventing and ending forced movements of children. Surprisingly, instead of preventing and ending forced movements, the Belarusian Society of the Red Cross, until recently a member of the International Federation of the Red Cross (ICRC), participated in the deportation of Ukrainian children to Belarus.

Since deportations of children continue to this day, and only very few of them have been reversed, the Ukrainian government has launched various initiatives. Among them are the Center for the Protection of Children’s Rights; Bring Kids Back UA program; as well as the Coordinating Council for the Protection and Safety of Childhood. The “Save Ukraine” Foundation, “SOS Children’s Villages” and RCPL are among the Ukrainian NGOs that support or manage the return of deported children. However, only about 400 children out of nearly 20,000 displaced or deported children officially registered to date have been returned to the government-controlled territory of Ukraine.

The awareness of the international public about the mass deportation of children by Russia is slowly growing. On July 1, 2022, international human rights organizations called for a moratorium on the international adoption of Ukrainian children in accordance with the approach of the Ukrainian government and international law. As of the beginning of March 2023, this appeal was signed by 43 public organizations. In September 2022, the European Parliament adopted a resolution in which, among other things, it called on Russia:

“stop immediately […] all forced transfers of children to territories occupied by Russia and the Russian Federation, as well as any international adoptions of children transferred from the entire internationally recognized territory of Ukraine; […] repeal all laws that facilitate the adoption of Ukrainian children; […] immediately provide information on the names, whereabouts and well-being of all detained or deported Ukrainians and ensure the safe return of all Ukrainian civilians, including children.” In a February 2023 resolution, the EP went further and declared that the transfer of children from one group to another is a crime of genocide.

On June 1, 2023, on International Children’s Day, 23 foreign diplomatic institutions in Ukraine issued a joint statement regarding Russia’s forced deportation of Ukrainian children, which reads: “We will hold Russia accountable for its illegal and barbaric actions in Ukraine!”.

Despite this widespread condemnation, thousands of unaccompanied minors remain in Russia or in Russian-occupied territory without legal guardians. The longer they stay away from their homes and families, the more painful, difficult and problematic their future repatriation becomes. Until more responsible governments come to power in Russia and Belarus, large-scale multilateral and multi-pronged action is needed to achieve rapid and tangible change.

National and transnational actors must move from verbal interventions to results-oriented actions. The RCPL proposed that instead of simply mentioning the mass deportation of children by Russia in general humanitarian or political statements, special official documents should be adopted and made public that specifically call for the repatriation of Ukrainian children. This should be done by the UN General Assembly, other international assemblies and as many national parliaments as possible.

In addition, the RCPL proposed to conclude agreements between Ukraine and partners willing to cooperate on repatriation; the list of persons currently subject to sanctions and involved in deportations should be expanded, as well as the means of influencing persons already subject to sanctions should be expanded; new arrest warrants should be issued by the International Criminal Court on the model of the warrant against Putin and Commissioner Lvova-Belova; new offenses must be added to those listed in existing warrants; and frozen Russian assets should be confiscated and repurposed for the needs of children who have become victims of illegal deportation and forced displacement.

Restrictions on Russian officials involved in the deportation and assimilation of Ukrainian children should become a characteristic feature of EU sanctions packages. EU sanctions related to the deportation and assimilation of Ukrainian children should be extended to non-governmental organizations, companies, schools, universities, professional organizations, etc., which participate – often openly and even demonstratively – in deportation and Russification efforts. Other proposals of the HCPR include: expanding the lists of confirmed and likely deported children; transfer of these lists for verification to Russia through relevant international organizations or third countries; determination of places in Ukraine and abroad for temporary placement of children repatriated to Ukraine with relatives or other persons authorized to take care of them.

The challenge is how to warn the still mostly ignorant part of the international community about the scale, seriousness and tragedy of Russia’s child abduction policy. Although many concerned scientists, politicians and diplomats in the West are well informed, the knowledge of this scandalous situation among “ordinary” citizens of Europe and other countries remains limited. This gap must be overcome by paying special attention to the countries of the Global South, where the Kremlin’s narratives about the Russian-Ukrainian war are popular. Special scholarships, awards, contests, tours, meetings, seminars, etc. for journalists, editors, bloggers, editors, experts, artists should promote the creation of relevant analytical, journalistic and artistic texts, podcasts, as well as video materials that are easier to access and broadcast for a wide audience. public _Read the entire article and comment on Contributors.ro