In June 2023, the ideal of the entire political class was clearly formulated at the highest level of the state: stability. Stability is only a new facet of the systemic ideal of 1990, “tranquility,” an ideal embodied so well by Ion Iliescu for three presidential terms, and here Klaus Iohannis for two. Therefore, stability is silence, and silence is ensured by the law of silence. They always talk about “scandals”, but these are fake scandals that don’t really concern those in power.

In the name of stability, the president appointed the PSD as prime minister, even though he won the election in 2019, saying he would not give the party another chance. But the ideal of stability can legitimize this decision, a decision made, moreover, referring to the seriousness of compliance with previous commitments. The insistence with which the protocol that provided for the ring road, a protocol that was not binding on the head of state, was invoked is symptomatic: it is really time for politicians to make it clear that the commitments made between themselves are more important. than those made before the voters.

The speed with which the legal-constitutional procedures for the establishment of a new government led by Marcel Čolaku were carried out is important for emptying the content of institutional mechanisms: formally legal obligations were “verified”, de facto the coalition avoided real hearings of future ministers, speeding up the procedures as much as possible . But the most inauthentic moment was the joint meeting of the two chambers. The meeting was presided over by the Prime Minister, who had just resigned, with many mistakes. The presence of General-Prime Minister Chuke at the head of the session of the joint chambers creates institutional confusion between the executive and the legislature, but what else does it matter! This presence is also explained by his lightning vote as Senate President. And the election of the second in the state became a formality, the position was in this case a reward not only for regular resignation by order, but also for all activities in the position of prime minister, in which he agreed to vacate the post of political content -a. You get the impression that General Chuke does not realize how much the way he agreed to be a pawn of the President as a fake PNL leader and a fake Prime Minister is much more serious than the other accusations that are heard in the public space as if this forgotten political deception. In this way, Cucăt agreed to be one of the main actors in the dedemocratization and militarization of Romania, but he did not even realize it, because in his institutional culture it is the name of normality.

This (apparent?) unconsciousness promises him a bright future. Looking at the tender Cholaku-Chuke couple these days, you really wonder if the rumors of PSD hosting a president like Chuke are not as outlandish as they seem. If he agreed to be prime minister and formal president of the party, he can also agree to be formal president. Cholaku’s ideal of a prime minister is probably a Chuke-type president. The PSD-PNL pairing could push him to the presidential finals, where many say Simion could be the perfect bau-bauer to turn any challenger into a presidential winner. If so, it would perfectly fit into the logic of emptying the content of constitutional mechanisms, the most important of which is the electoral one. It’s hard to have stability if you don’t do well in the elections.

The spectacle of the meeting of the two chambers on June 15 was sad. Not because of excesses, a scandal, as the television headlined. It was sad because it presented us with a resigned political class, each member boringly playing their part. The democratic spirit has left our institutions. In this sense, calm, stability won. The presence of the opposition is also formal, without imagination. The cameras may focus on one excess or another, but the big picture is a sclerosed political world that is aging before its time, living on inertia.

In theory, this parliament is still functioning until the end of next year, but there seems to be wind of an election that could come sooner than we expect. The saraband of promises by the PSD president, who also became prime minister, is perhaps a sign in this regard. Probably, in the name of stability, an attempt will be made to empty the democratic content of the election moment of 2024.

The teachers’ strike was a social valve that initially helped the new government. But many social groups will feel that the PSD is ready to buy their votes with hard money, so they will see an opportunity in the gap between the installation of the government and the elections. Or it is hard to believe, otherwise there are no resources for the authorities to distribute election gifts for almost a year and a half. So this is an argument for this successful trio (from their point of view) of Johannis-Chuke-Cholaku to try to organize early elections, probably at the end of this year.

Taking the UDMR out of the government makes things a bit easier and also avoids AUR inflation. The first speeches of the new prime minister already indicate a permanent election campaign, which will characterize the PSD side of the Çolak government. A campaign in which the PSD returns to the elements that allowed Dragna to win the 2016 election with a record result (45%): nationalism (let’s stop being the modern slaves of Europe), socialism (assimilation of the market with speculation), populism (heavy promises for all PSD voters , starting with pensioners). Added to this is a pro-NATO speech aimed at appeasing Western partners, whose priority at the moment is the democratization of the regime in Bucharest.

The PNL has not sent its leaders to the government, which shows that it knows the extent to which this executive will become the electoral body of the PSD. But the PNL will not be able to recover at least part of its electorate unless it has a voice different from that of the PSD. Remaining in the government, he commits suicide. It is likely that the PNL will leave the PSD government, which is an opportunity to provoke expectations. Johannis will believe that only they can bring new clarification, etc., and will again turn into an anti-Pesedist. He will be able to explain from the outside that such a decision will give an even more stable government, and it will be easier to limit the growth of AUR… Read the whole article and comment on Contributors.ro