Russian aggression against Ukraine has increasingly greater consequences beyond the borders of Eastern Europe – political, economic, social, legal and humanitarian. In this context, it is worth reviewing Ukraine’s earliest and most urgent request during the war for direct military support to the West. Shortly after the start of Russia’s massive invasion on February 24, 2022, Kyiv launched an international campaign calling for a no-fly zone for Ukraine.

Understanding Ukrainians’ fears, NATO and its member states quickly and completely rejected Kyiv’s proposal as too risky a move. Even partial satisfaction of Ukraine’s demands, for example, to declare certain parts of the western part of Ukraine as no-fly zones, was considered not in the national interests of NATO member states. This schematic reasoning was already questionable in 2022. In 2023, it became increasingly doubtful.

Active military action on the territories of western Ukraine with fighter jets and anti-aircraft weapons of Western and other interested countries would answer not only the Ukrainian cry for help. Russia’s war against the Ukrainian state, economy and population affects the main interests of many nations outside of Eastern Europe.

The national interests of Ukraine coincide with the interests of many other countries of the world in at least four ways and therefore require direct action by entities outside of Ukraine:

First, Ukraine’s continued ability to collect and export food, especially grain, is closely linked not only to humanitarian issues. It is also a necessary condition for maintaining global stability and order. Shortages and subsequent increases in the prices of staple foods such as flour and bread will have serious transcontinental social and political consequences. These can be unstable governments, armed insurgencies, migration flows, the rise of xenophobia and even civil or interstate wars.

Therefore, the use of Western and non-Western air and anti-aircraft forces to help Ukraine in ensuring the production and export of food is not simply a matter of sympathy or mercy to Ukrainians. Such direct use of NATO and non-NATO military power would be sufficiently justified by the need to minimize the overall risks to international security. Preventing famine and its devastating consequences for the world order is in itself reason enough to consider creating no-fly zones over and around Ukraine. Such measures could be justified without even mentioning Ukraine’s needs for them, and exclusively with reference to non-Ukrainian national and broader transnational interests.

Second, since the start of the full-scale invasion, Ukrainian nuclear power plants—including the defunct Chornobyl nuclear power plant—have repeatedly become sites, theaters, targets, and instruments of Russian military activity. The cross-border risks associated with such behavior for the health of millions of Ukrainians, as well as citizens of a number of NATO member countries, are obvious. When Ukraine requested a no-fly zone in 2022, it was surprising that the high national interest of several European countries in the safety of Ukrainian radioactive materials was overlooked.

Now is the time for NATO and its governments to take a direct role in protecting their citizens from a repeat of the 1986 Chernobyl disaster. In addition to supporting stable Ukrainian food and transport production, Ukraine’s interest in protecting its nuclear power plants can even be considered secondary. And in this case, Kyiv’s request to establish a no-fly zone should not even be mentioned in the rationale for the military participation of NATO and other allies in the airspace of Ukraine.

Thirdly, since October 2022, the city of Kyiv has become a favorite target of Russian missile and drone attacks (which I myself have repeatedly witnessed offline). Intentionally or not, Russian missiles and drones have repeatedly hit purely civilian infrastructure and killed non-combatants. Houses were often damaged, and Kyivites suffered from debris from intercepted Russian missiles and drones, as well as from Ukrainian anti-aircraft munitions.

Kyiv is home to dozens of foreign embassies and consulates, as well as offices of numerous Western and non-Western governmental and non-governmental organizations. Ironically, the security of hundreds, if not thousands of citizens of NATO and non-NATO countries in Kyiv depends entirely on the Ukrainian Iron Dome over the capital. Many diplomats and other government officials who are permanently or temporarily in Kyiv represent countries with advanced air and anti-aircraft forces. However, these seconded officials, like other foreign contributors, cannot yet count on the armies of their countries to protect them on the way to Kyiv or inside the city.

This is despite the clear request of the Ukrainian government to do so.

Last but not least, the campaign to restore, modernize and Europeanize Ukraine begins. This involves more and more Western and non-Western foreign investment and presence throughout the country. Billions of euros and dollars of taxpayers’ money will be invested in demining, repairing and rebuilding Ukraine. This will increase the national interest of many Western countries and some non-Western countries in basic security in Ukraine.

If Russia’s campaign of terror in Ukraine, using long-range missiles and drones, continues, the challenge of protecting internationally funded civilian infrastructure from attack will become increasingly apparent. Western governments and citizens may wonder what will happen to the various projects they finance. Will they have a lasting effect or will they be neutralized sooner or later by Russian terrorist attacks?

Direct private investment will also become a factor in the recovery of Ukraine’s economy. Despite the complex issues of insurance, many Western officials see it as a key factor in Ukraine’s future recovery. Especially in the case of large office or factory buildings erected or reconstructed by or with the help of foreign companies, the question of their protection against raids by Russian aircraft will arise. The governments of various countries where companies investing in Ukraine are located and their insurers will be under pressure to help the Ukrainian government ensure the safety of these investments.

Many observers see the creation of Western-backed no-fly zones even higher hinterland Ukraine as a direct road to the third world war. It is doubtful that such an escalation will actually occur until Western troops are involved in front-line fighting. Russia has not used any manned fighter jets to invade the airspace over Ukraine. Attacks by Russian terrorists on cities and smaller settlements inside Ukraine are carried out exclusively with the help of missiles and drones.

If Western fighter jets and anti-aircraft missiles or bullets hit Russian aircraft, they would not kill Russian soldiers. – Read the entire article and comment on contributors.ro