Vladimir Putin assured during a remote summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) that Russia will “continue to resist” in the face of “external pressure” and “sanctions”, reports La Razon, as cited by Rador.

“Russia is resolutely resisting and will continue to resist external pressure, sanctions and provocations,” Putin said, while Chinese leader Xi Jinping called for “ensuring regional peace” and countering sanctions.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has put China in a difficult position. Even if the Chinese leader was oblivious to this harsh reality more than a year after the start of the war, some analysts suggest that the Wagner group’s rebellion and march on Moscow may have cleared his mind.

Indeed, while Xi defends the apparent modernity of the Chinese system, he fears that his country is afflicted with the same ideological maladies that once plagued the USSR. Among these calamities, according to Xi himself, were “political corruption, ideological heresy and military disloyalty,” all of which emerged during the unrest in Russia.

The short-lived uprising in Moscow, led by a former member of the Russian president’s inner circle, represents the sum of Xi’s worst fears about China’s post-Deng Xiaoping political establishment. Xi and Putin have pursued very different strategies of strong power: the former based on purges and strong anti-corruption political discipline, the latter on bribes and an expanding circle of friends, a group that until recently included Wagner chairman Yevgeny Prigozhin. If the failed uprising is any indication, Xi’s ideological instincts show that they were right.

As such, Prigozhin’s rebellion against Moscow has caused alarm in China, and some observers say it may even threaten the “unrestricted” strategic partnership between Putin and Xi. The last thing the Chinese president worries about is unpredictability on his doorstep, so a short-lived uprising in Russia and the potential instability that follows is a major setback.

The uprising exposed major blind spots in Russia’s defenses and underscored the weakening of Putin’s power. Appearing weak and frail to Beijing is a blow to Moscow and personally to Putin, who has developed ties with China over the years and is increasingly dependent on its political support and growing business ties.

In recent years, the Chinese leader has met with the Russian leader more than 40 times. After Xi Jinping’s visit to Russia in 2018, the two “dear friends” cruised together, cooked pancakes for the cameras and pondered their future. They have presented themselves as a powerful tandem, with Russia a key tool in Xi Jinping’s strategy to weaken the West and challenge the world order dominated by the United States and NATO.

However, certain limits became obvious after the invasion of Ukraine. China has refused to transfer sanctioned weapons and technology to Russia and has continued to abstain from half a dozen UN General Assembly resolutions condemning the war.

Nevertheless, Xi has supported Putin since the beginning of the struggle and has maintained a consistent position on the conflict: neutral on paper but pro-Russian in practice, with frequent state visits and joint military exercises. This is a delicate balance, carefully calibrated to avoid spoiling relations with Russia.

Although China supports open trade with Russia, much of its economy is subject to Western sanctions, the two countries have no military alliance. But in practice, China has been wary of offering support that could provoke Western sanctions, and Putin has publicly acknowledged that Xi is “concerned” about Russia’s actions in Ukraine.

For its part, Beijing has tried to position itself as a peace broker between Moscow and Kyiv, which has drawn criticism from Ukraine and its allies, given China’s close ties to Russia. In fact, it took Xi more than a year to start communicating with Ukraine.

Although the Kremlin has publicly rejected the idea that it is subservient in the relationship, the prevailing view is that Beijing needs Moscow far more than the other way around. In addition, the fact that a private militia commander was able to seize control of one of Russia’s most important command centers for the war and move within striking distance of Moscow could further exacerbate the dispute with Beijing, analysts said.

The Wagner Group’s rebellion “probably raised the question of whether Beijing made the right bet by naming the Kremlin, and Putin in particular, as a close ally and partner,” said Patricia M. Kim, a China and foreign policy expert at the Brookings Institution. think tank in Washington, DC

On the political front, most important to Xi about the Moscow-Beijing alliance is the possibility that he and Putin will work side by side to confront Washington on the international stage, according to John K. Culver, non-resident fellow at the Global China Hub at the Atlantic Council and former CIA officer.

“In this context, China will support Putin if he continues to rule in Moscow. If Putin falls, Beijing will wait for the dust to settle and create a new power structure, perhaps with another chance to advise Russia to leave Ukraine and focus on long-term competition with the US-Western alliance,” Culver wrote after the unrest began. suppressed.

Chinese government advisers have expressed growing frustration with Russia behind closed doors in recent months, with the Asian giant feeling increasingly “tightened” by Moscow’s risky behavior, interviews with academics and Chinese and foreign diplomats show.

Some have even drawn comparisons between China and North Korea, whose leaders sometimes irritate Beijing with their erratic behavior but still benefit from Chinese economic and diplomatic aid, La Razon reported, citing Rador.