For 30 years the roads around the Mimosa Plus golf course in Clark, an area about 92 km north of the capital Philippines, they are usually quiet. But one day in April last year, about 100 US soldiers were seen lining up outside the hotel — a reminder of a time when Clark had the largest US airbase in the world from the outside. USA. More than 17,600 troops have taken part in exercises with the Philippines this year.
The military exercise is just one aspect of the Biden administration’s broad, multifaceted Indo-Pacific strategy to counter what it sees as a military threat from China.
When Joe Biden took office, there were some concerns, especially among allies like Japan, about whether he would continue Trump’s aggressive approach to China. Biden has taken an unexpectedly tough stance on security, as well as other issues such as export controls put in place to prevent China from acquiring advanced microchips.
Diplomatically, he maintained close relations with allies in Asia who were already hardened towards China, while urging the Europeans, who were initially reluctant (also) to adopt a tougher tone.
Washington’s first priority is to find ways to overcome geographic constraints. On the one hand, since China has many more ships and aircraft within range of Taiwan. and on the other hand, because the US has deployed disparate forces in the Indo-Pacific, a vast area covering more than 50% of the planet.
The US recently convinced Manila to give the US military access to four more bases in the Philippines, including three in the north of the main island of Luzon, strategically located near Taiwan. This marked a major shift in the administration of Rodrigo Duterte, who joined China.
This is just one of the pillars of the US effort to restart the Asian “pivot” launched by Barack Obama in 2011.
While the US has urged its allies such as Japan and South Korea to step up support for Ukraine, it has also urged European countries including the UK, France and Germany to become more involved in the Indo-Pacific.
However, it is unclear whether the US is doing enough to shift the balance of power in the region in its favor. It is also a disadvantage that the US does not have a military alliance in Asia as it does with NATO in Europe.
At the same time, some critics of Biden’s approach argue that the US has focused too much on China’s military, rather than economic and commercial, influence in the region.
Other observers also fear that a Russian invasion of Ukraine could steal Washington’s attention and resources over time. Jennifer Lind, an Asian security expert at Dartmouth College, notes that the Biden administration “gets high marks on tactics,” but its focus on the war raging in Europe could be a hindrance.
Smoother transition
Since the beginning of his administration, Biden has taken a number of important steps to strengthen US influence in the Indo-Pacific region.
In early 2021, he revived the informal Foursome, a security group formed in 2007 made up of the US, Japan, Australia and India that had been dormant. Later that year, the US signed the Aukus Agreement with Britain and Australia for Canberra to acquire a fleet of nuclear submarines.
