The reckless decision of the Putin regime to attack Ukraine has fundamentally changed the security architecture in Europe. NATO is returning to its original mission of countering the Russian threat, and the US is returning to the European continent as a counterbalancing force. The European Union is strengthening its defenses with the ultimate goal of strategic autonomy, and Germany is rearming to do its part in this direction. In addition, the Greek side recorded victories and losses that need to be emphasized.

Greece’s geostrategic importance was undeniable during the Cold War, but it did not match that of neighboring Turkey with the Soviet Union. For the first time in decades, Greece is seen as critical to deter Russian aggression. The decisive role in this was played by the ambivalent attitude of the Turkish leadership towards Moscow. Valuable aid comes to Ukraine, as well as to other NATO countries in the Balkans through the territory of Greece.

Bypassing the straits actually undermines Turkey’s role as guardian of Western interests in the Black Sea. Now it is Romania that acts as a front-line NATO country in the region. For this reason, further strengthening of relations with Bucharest should be a priority for Greek diplomacy. Day after day, a strategic corridor is being built from Alexandroupolis to Constanta and Odessa. Thus, the war in Ukraine has given Greece a unique role to play wisely and decisively.

Among the negative consequences of the war, two issues of great importance for our country should be noted. First, Greek-Russian relations have reached a climax, and the main responsibility for this lies with Moscow. Russia’s attempt to influence Greek public opinion should worry us, as it was well organized. But on the other hand, sending weapons to Ukraine was a bold decision that created an insurmountable psychological gap with Moscow. Despite the suffocating conditions created by the war, it is in the national interests of Athens to maintain channels of communication with Russian society.

For the first time in decades, Greece is seen as critical to stopping Russian aggression.

Secondly, a crushing blow was dealt to the flourishing Hellenism of Azov. Despite the noble efforts of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Greek community is fragmented and endangered. Athens must support expatriates with all available means, no matter which side of the border they find themselves on. This is a moral duty that the Greek government must begin to fulfill without further delay.

The big question is what’s next. The war will continue until one of the two belligerents wins, or until the cost of continuing operations becomes prohibitive for everyone. However, the West’s confrontation with the Putin regime will continue and possibly escalate. The only way out for Athens is to systematically advertise itself as a reliable US ally in the region. Only in this way will the Greek side be able to continue to find “listening ears” in Washington to its requests.

While it is too early to draw any firm conclusions, the devastating earthquake in Turkey and the humanitarian aid to Greece have led to an easing of tensions. If there is an opportunity for a partial normalization of Greek-Turkish relations, it will not be long in coming. However, considerations for joint exploitation of energy fields are based on the misconception that politics follows economics. This is not supported by scientific studies of transnational conflicts outside of Europe. Obviously, Greece is not France, and Turkey is not Germany.

In any case, Greece’s foreign policy is no longer held hostage by a confrontation with a neighboring country. Greece is turning into an important defense and energy hub between three continents. We gradually win the respect of friends and rivals. However, complacency and failure are unacceptable. We have entered a new period of uncertainty and insecurity. The words of the Athenians in dialogue with the Miles should be our navigator during the decade we are living through: “Justice counts when there are equal forces to enforce it, and when it is not, the strong do what their power allows. and the weak yield and accept them. Ultimately, this is the biggest lesson of the war in Ukraine.

Mr. Manos Karagiannis is Professor of International Relations at the University of Macedonia and Lecturer in International Security at King’s College London. His new book, Deterrence and Defense, is published by Papadopoulos.