We must do everything so that this greatest geopolitical nightmare of the 21st century is finally over.

Exactly one year ago, on February 24, 2022, Russia launched a military offensive against Ukraine, breaking the post-Cold War order. Security and prosperity, achieved by the efforts of entire generations of Europeans, were on the verge of collapse. Russia waged an expansionist war with one goal: to restore the former Soviet sphere of influence, regardless of cost and loss. We must do everything to finally end this biggest geopolitical nightmare of the 21st century.

What is the current situation? We have witnessed unparalleled Russian brutality for twelve months, measured by the regular bombing of schools, hospitals and homes. Months were not considered days, but the number of victims. The Russians spared no one, killing men, women, old people and children. The acts of genocide in Bush, Irpen and other cities are chilling evidence that Russia is committing the most heinous crimes. Mass graves, torture chambers, rape and kidnappings are the true face of Russian aggression.

But it was also a time of great heroism of the Ukrainian people, led by Volodymyr Zelensky, opposing the evil Russian Empire. A year of faith, perseverance and determination. Ukraine is fighting not only for its own sovereignty, but also for the security of the entire continent.

How to stop this war? The past year has taught us many important lessons that Western countries must take seriously if they really want to live in peace and security.

1. War affects us all. We need to start by getting rid of the false image of a Russian invasion. This is not a local conflict. Russia is trying to set fire to Europe. Its goal is to destabilize the entire world economic order.

The attack on Ukraine is part of a long-planned plan that Putin has been implementing for at least a decade. Back in 2008, during the Russian invasion of Georgia, Polish President Lech Kaczynski warned: “We know very well that today the future of Georgia is at stake, tomorrow it could be Ukraine, the day after tomorrow the Baltic states and then maybe my own country. Poland”. These words were confirmed earlier than Europe expected. Six years later, in 2014, Russia annexed Crimea. Today we are all witnessing a full-scale military attack on Ukraine. What lies ahead for us if we don’t stop the Russian war machine today?

From a distance of hundreds of kilometers, you can not hear the sound of shell explosions, or warning sirens, or the crying of parents who have just lost their beloved child during the bombing. But remoteness from Kyiv should not calm our conscience. Sometimes I fear that there are indeed many people in the West for whom eating at their favorite restaurant or watching a series on Netflix is ​​more important than the life and death of thousands of Ukrainians. We are all witnesses to this war. None of us can say, “I didn’t know about the Bush genocide.” We are all watching the atrocities committed by the Russian military. That is why we should not be indifferent. Russia’s expansionist plans go beyond Ukraine. This war concerns all of us.

2. Russia fuels the global financial crisis. The war in Ukraine is only one of the fronts on which the battle for the future of Europe is being waged. Russia is attacking our entire civilization in cyberspace, information and economics. Carl von Clausewitz once said that war is the continuation of politics by other means. Apparently, Vladimir Putin perfectly understood this vile point of view. Moscow adjusts its attacking techniques depending on the enemy. Putin could not conquer Europe militarily until he destroyed its economy.

The energy crisis and global inflation that we are all facing has its roots in Russia’s expansionist aggression. The harbinger of the invasion of Ukraine was the aggressive gas policy of the Kremlin in July and August 2021. Putin’s gas blackmail then led to a sharp increase in its prices in European markets. And that was just the beginning.

Russia hoped that the paralysis of the energy sector would weaken European countries and persuade them not to go to war in Ukraine. The escalation of the crisis has been a strategy used against Western countries from the very beginning. Russian military activity is one of the main reasons for the global rise in prices. We all pay dearly for the Kremlin’s decisions. It is time to understand that the global financial crisis is fueled by Russia.

3. De-Putinization is a necessary condition for European sovereignty. For several years, Western weakness has been Russia’s strength. Dependence on Russian hydrocarbons, dubious deals with Russian oligarchs, and completely incomprehensible concessions from Europe, including on the construction of the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline, all add to the picture of pathological relations between the West and Russia. Many European governments thought they could make normal trade deals with Russia. However, in reality, these conventions turned out to be deals in which Europe sold its soul.

That is why a return to “business as usual” is impossible. You cannot normalize your relations with the criminal regime. It’s time for Europe to become independent from Russia, especially in the energy sector. Poland has long emphasized the need to diversify its oil and gas supplies. New sources open up new possibilities. De-Putinization, that is, severing relations with the dictatorial machine of violence created by Putin, is a necessary condition for European dominance.

4. Solidarity is stronger than fear. The war has already changed Europe. Russia, invading Ukraine, hoped that the West would not wake up from the geopolitical lethargy it fell into years ago when it naively believed in the myth of the “end of history.” Russia miscalculated. He wanted to divide us, but we became more united than ever.

As with any totalitarian regime, the Kremlin’s most powerful weapon is fear. We must stand in solidarity against the threats and blackmail from Russia. Aid to Ukraine is already coming in from all over the world in the form of food, supplies and weapons. What we give Ukraine is hope and the opportunity to win.

Germany’s approval of sending Leopard tanks to Ukraine, which Poland is calling for, is significant. We already know that American Abrams will be added to the German tanks. In the end, cold calculations were thrown aside in favor of Euro-Atlantic logic. NATO has proven that it is not only the strongest military alliance in the world, but also a truly cohesive alliance. Together we will defeat evil. Solidarity is stronger than fear.

5. Restoration of Ukraine and strengthening of Europe. Victory in the battle with Russia is closer not only due to the success of the Ukrainian army and the weakening of the “Russian bear” due to sanctions. This is also the merit of the West, which has formed a strong alliance for freedom. However, defeating Russia in a real battle is not enough. In order to win the war, we must build an entirely new security structure, both politically and economically.

What will be the building blocks of our common European home? Security is the foundation of a unity based on common values ​​and interests and held together by strong economic and social ties. We will not emerge from the economic crisis with the fury of war raging on Europe’s doorstep.

Before us are two scenarios for the future of Europe. Either Ukraine wins and peace reigns on the continent, or Russia wins and Putin’s imperialism is allowed to expand. If we want Ukraine to emerge victorious, we must start thinking about changing the paradigm of European politics today. The idea of ​​a community of security and peace is now the only possible development model.

Exactly one year after the start of the war, we have a common goal: the restoration of Ukraine and the strengthening of Europe.

* Mr. Mateusz Morawiecki is the Prime Minister of the Republic of Poland, a member of the negotiating group for Poland’s accession to the EU, graduated from the Faculty of History of the University of Wroclaw and Business Administration of the Wroclaw Polytechnic Institute and Central Connecticut State University.

The text was published in cooperation with the Polish monthly magazine Wszystko co Najsztistiche, within the framework of the historical program of the Institute of National Remembrance and the Polish National Foundation.