As the war in Ukraine approaches 2023, Europe has never seemed more united against Vladimir Putin’s Russia, but also less dependent on the United States in its efforts to oust the Russian leader, the Wall Street Journal reported, as cited by Radar.

For years, the United States’ European allies have struggled to reach a common position on Putin, with France and Germany pushing to preserve relations with the authoritarian president, overcoming resentment from countries close to Russia who believe only stiff resistance can stop him from continuing his expansionist agenda in Eastern Europe.

Since February, after Russia launched its full-scale invasion, those differences have narrowed amid a growing sense of a common goal, widely shared among European democracies, that Ukraine should be armed to repel Russian attempts to change the continent’s borders by force.

But despite this widespread consensus, from Portugal to Poland, all European allies are in Washington’s hands, reacting to the turn of events set by the Biden administration, an administration that recently sent a series of mixed messages across the Atlantic hinting that Kyiv must be persuaded to enter into talks .

In the coming days, President Biden is expected to sign a spending plan that provides nearly $45 billion in aid to Ukraine and its NATO allies, once again underscoring the dominant role the U.S. plays in supplying arms, financing Kiev’s support, and orchestrating Putin’s aggression.

While European Union leaders recently committed billions of euros more to keep Kyiv afloat, they are still reading Washington’s instructions on key strategic issues in the coming months.

How much more “fuel” does Ukraine need to get to save its territories from the invasion of Russian troops? How many Western weapons can threaten an uncontrolled escalation of war? And what kind of compromise can Ukraine expect if it cannot expel Russian soldiers from its territory at all?

“The whole war was a complex orchestra, but it was led by Washington,” said Rosa Balfour, director of Brussels-based Carnegie Europe. “The conflict confirmed that European security lies in NATO. There is no alternative.”

Putin’s energy blackmail did not frighten Europe

In Europe, opposition to the pro-Kiev policy has been silenced. Putin’s bet that by reducing the supply of energy resources to the EU bloc, he can weaken the determination of European countries to come to the aid of Ukraine and impose sanctions on Russia, did not come true.

His all-out assault on Ukraine, including an attempt to seize Kyiv, the country’s capital, numerous reports of war crimes, and regular missile attacks on Ukrainian cities forced almost all European countries to agree to sanctions.

According to Daniel Speckhard, the former US ambassador to Belarus, the European far-right’s previous sympathy for Putin has largely disappeared.

This would not have happened if Putin had limited himself to attacking only Donbas in eastern Ukraine, where Russia made a secret invasion in 2014. “In this respect, Putin is his own worst enemy,” says Speckhard.

Russia’s war in Ukraine is just the latest shock for Europe over the past 15 years, from the global financial crisis to mass migration, Britain’s exit from the EU and the Covid-19 pandemic.

EU member states have often been extremely divided during previous crises, prompting many observers to question the stability of the organization – especially during the 2010-2012 eurozone debt crisis.

The firm political commitment of most European states to support the continental integration project has survived all these attempts, despite the complex decision-making processes within the EU. The organization has overcome an initially chaotic response to the Covid virus and launched an ambitious collective economic recovery program to help the most affected member states.

The war in Ukraine has left Europe’s military resources at a low point after 30 years of cuts since the end of the Cold War.

Relatively low stockpiles of weapons and ammunition in European countries have made Ukraine highly dependent on US military aid – a reality also reflected in Zelenskyi’s choice to make Washington his first foreign visit since invading Russia in February.

Billions of euros promised in EU financial aid to Ukraine have remained blocked for much of this year due to a “Byzantine” decision-making process, as well as disputes Germany has had with the EU’s executive forum over payment methods – leaving Kyiv dependent on the US for balancing budget of civil expenses.

Zelenskyi, who hopes to fully restore the internationally recognized borders of Ukraine, should be primarily concerned about the duration of US support.

The incentive to negotiate / the growing skepticism of Republicans

Many American officials, like their French and German counterparts, doubt that Ukraine will be able to completely dislodge the Russian army without military support from NATO, which would increase the danger of outright war with Russia.

Gen. Mark Milley, the head of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, has encouraged Kyiv to consider talks, angering Ukrainian officials who believe they can regain much more territory.

And the leader of the Republican minority in the House of Representatives, Kevin McCarthy, pointed to the growing skepticism of Republicans regarding military spending in Ukraine.

At the same time, Biden himself said that Putin is not very interested in any peace talks, which annoyed both officials in Ukraine and allies around Russia, who also share this opinion.

The president signed off on the delivery of more advanced weapons to Ukraine, including the Patriot missile defense system proposed this month.

Allies in Eastern and Northern Europe fear that the Biden administration’s caution to arm Kyiv for a decisive victory — a caution that is exacerbated by Europe’s limited arms stockpile — could doom Ukraine and the continent to a long and bloody struggle.

Czech Foreign Minister Jan Lipavsky said the goal of Western allies should be to “fully restore the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine,” as well as bring Russia to justice for war crimes and reduce Moscow’s ability to still threaten its neighbors. “Any other result is dangerous for both Ukraine and the EU,” he said.

“We need to stop the half-measures and speed up aid to Ukraine so it can win the war,” said Artis Pabriks, who was Latvia’s defense minister until last month. “Limited help just means continued pain,” he added, according to the Wall Street Journal, as cited by Rador.